Nigeria is once again enmeshed in a deep constitutional
and power crisis that, if not quickly and amicably resolved, would precipitate
the collapse of the country’s young (a ten year old is still a child) democracy.
Unfortunately, none of those involved in the crisis is wise (or bold) enough to
fully understand the situation and act selflessly to save the country.
Nigeria now has two presidents: one substantive and the
other in an acting capacity. The substantive was not feeling too well and had
to be evacuated for treated in a foreign hospital. The National Assembly, after
playing hide and seek for more than 70 days, controversially relied on the president’s
interview with the BBC to empowered the vice to assume powers as acting
president until the substantive president returns and communicate to them
accordingly. As the acting president was
settling down for business and the legislatures were boasting and beating their
chests for having saved the country, the substantive president was dramatically
brought back into the country under the cover of darkness and escorted to the
seat of power under heavy military security.
Quite
interestingly, this was done without the permission or even knowledge of the
acting president and commander-in-chief. As far as the ‘hawks in power’ and
military are concerned, their commander-in-chief is back and the ‘so-called
acting president’ can go to hell. Unfortunately, Nigerians and some members of
the National Assembly feel otherwise but appear incapable of doing anything. The
governors also added to the confusion recently by insisting that Yar’Adua
remains substantive President while Jonathan remains acting president. They choose to forget or ignore the maxim
that there cannot be two captains in a ship. It was the legendary Leopold
Senghor who once scoffed at the idea of sharing power between a prime minister
and president insisting that it was not possible or feasible in Africa. The
presence of both presidents in Aso Rock raises several questions, but for me
the most crucial is the one that has to do with who exercise of the very
important office of commander-in-chief? Perhaps
a short historical excursion will help us appreciate this question better.
Nigeria
in the First Republic practised the British model of parliamentary democracy
that shares power between the president and commander-in-chief whose functions
are mostly ceremonial and the prime minister who is the head of government and
chief executive. Following the charade that was the 1964 federal elections, the
President and Commander-In-Chief, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, whose duty it was to call
on the leader of the party that wins a majority in parliament to form a new
government, claimed he could not, in good conscience, call on Sir Abubakar
Tafawa Balewa to form the government. Nigeria was thus thrown into a
constitutional crisis that lasted for three days during which there was no
government in Nigeria. But even before the results of the elections were
announced, Azikiwe had invited the head of the Armed Forces, Maj. Gen.
Welby-Everard to find out if the military will back him, he being the
constitutionally designated “Commander-In-Chief” of the armed forces in the
case of a showdown with the prime minister. Aware of the surreptitious moves by
Azikiwe, Tafawa Balewa also reached out to the military and reminded them that their
loyalty must be with him as the head of government. Of course, the military
authorities sided with the Prime Minister no thanks to counsels from mostly
British personnel in and outside of the country. That of course, castrated the president and
left him with no option than to either accept to a compromise or take the
honourable path of resigning his position on moral grounds. But since
resignation is an alien practice in Nigeria nay Africa, he chose to hang-on and
did agree to a dubious compromise that exacerbated, rather than resolve the
problems thrown up by the illegitimate elections. The prime minister also,
instead of relying on political pressure and the support of the military to
sustain get him reinstated, could have approached the courts to help resolve
the crisis.
This
open courting of the military by the duo of Azikiwe and Balewa exposed the
military, as it were, to the highly tempestuous Nigerian political environment
and only succeeded in making the military, in the words of Billy Dudley, “ultra-sensitive
of the blurred boundary lines separating the ‘military’ from the ‘civil’ and
the ‘legal’ from the ‘political’” and made it (the military) increasingly aware
of its power to influence or even displace the political authority. It was not
surprising therefore that a year afterwards, the military acted to bring to an
abrupt end the insufferable government. Much as the military was blamed for
over-stepping its boundary, it was clear that its intervention became
inevitable the moment it was drawn into the crisis and forced to take sides. The
conclusion from that sad event is that both Azikiwe and Balewa deliberately or
inadvertently helped to subvert the very constitution they both swore to uphold
and defend.
Almost
47 years after, and with just 10 years of wrestling power back from the
military that has held the country hostage since then, our leaders are again
back to their old ways of knocking on the lion’s den and dragging it out to officiate
in the fight between two rams. When has it become the practice and duty of the
military to cordon off the airport and take over the capital city just because
a president is returning from an overseas trip? Who issued such directives and why
must it be kept secret from the acting president and commander-in-chief who
should be the one to issue such directives in the first place?
The
drama playing out in Aso Rock does not portend well for the safety and
stability of our new found love (democracy) at all and shows us as a people who
do not learn from history. The substantive
president was stealthily rushed back home and straight to Aso Rock even when he
is clearly incapable of governing. Maybe to demonstrate to the acting president
and the National Assembly who was really in charge, he, or at least his aides,
ordered the deployment of fully armed military units to the airport and major
streets in the capital city to wait on him as he disembarks the plane and drives
majestically to the presidential palace without the knowledge of the acting president?
Not done yet, he issued a statement to the effect that he was back and wasted
no time in putting the acting president in his rightful place by referring to
him as the vice president in total disregard of the National Assembly who
empowered him. It took widespread international protestations for him to beat a
retreat and recognise his vice as acting president. In all these, the Senate
and House of Representative pretended they did not know what was happening. None
of those that matter seems to be asking the very important question of where
the military had to be dragged into the fray to settle political scores. For
now, it remains to be seen how two presidents would coexist in Aso Rock at the
same time and without engaging in the legendary fight of two elephants.
But
since our so-called elected representatives have decided to bury their heads in
the sand while the hawks in the presidency toy with the future of the country,
they must be reminded that when the men in khaki struck, they may well be the
first victims. God help Nigeria.
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